America: More Than Just the Continent's Reluctant Partner, But Rather a Adversary Steeped in Right-Wing Thought
On the very day Donald Trump was presented with a custom-made "peace prize" from his recent ally, FIFA president "Gianni" Infantino, his government published an equally flamboyant security policy document. This relatively brief paper is saturated with the essence of Trump and Trumpism. It begins with the typically humble claim that the president has rescued "the United States and the globe ā back from the brink of catastrophe and ruin."
Even though the document largely formalizes the current actions and statements of Trump and his cabinet, it must be taken as a serious warning for the world, and for the European continent in particular.
A Blueprint of Intervention and Civilizational Fear
The document espouses an aggressive form of foreign-policy meddling where the US explicitly sets the goal of "fostering European strength." Its language seems lifted directly from speeches by Viktor OrbƔn during the so-called migration emergency of 2015-16: "We want Europe to stay European, to regain its cultural self-assurance." Even more worryingly, the document claims that Europe's "economic decline is eclipsed by the real and more stark possibility of civilizational erasure."
The entire section on Europe is imbued with generations of European far-right dogma and rhetoric. The EU and its migration policies are held responsible for "transforming the continent and creating strife, censorship of free expression and stifling of political opposition, cratering birthrates, and erosion of national identities and self-confidence." According to the document, if "current trajectories continue, the continent will be unrecognizable in 20 years or less. As such, it is not at all clear whether certain European countries will have economic power and armed forces strong enough to remain reliable allies." In fact, the Trump administration asserts that "in a matter of years at the latest, certain NATO members will become predominantly non-European."
"American diplomacy should continue to champion authentic democracy, free speech, and unapologetic celebrations of European nationsā unique heritage and past."
Foundational Ideas of the Right-Wing
These points carry strong echoes of two theories regarded as core for contemporary right-wing circles. The first is Oswald Spengler's "Der Untergang des Abendlandes," whose argument on the cyclical decline of civilizations was used by the German far right to criticise the "decadence" and "enfeeblement" of the democratic Weimar Republic. The second is "Le Grand Remplacement," published in 2011 by French novelist Renaud Camus, who translated long-existing "native" fears into a more overt conspiracy theory, accusing European elites of using immigration to substitute restive "indigenous" populations and import a more submissive and reliant electorate.
It is the nativist fever dream contained in both ideas that grants the Trump administration the authority, if not the duty, to interfere in European affairs, the document implies. And it is evident where it sees its allies: "The United States urges its political allies in Europe to advance this resurgence of spirit, and the growing influence of patriotic European parties in fact gives cause for great optimism."
The Objective: "Restore European Greatness"
Put simply, the US contends that it is essential to its national security to "Make Europe great again," and that the European far right is the sole movement that can achieve this. Consequently, its "broad policy for Europe" prioritises "fostering opposition to Europeās present path within European nations" ā meaning the far right ā and "building up the robust nations of central, eastern, and southern Europe" ā in particular "nations in agreement that want to reclaim their former greatness" ā such as Hungary and Italy.
While the document remains unclear on methods, it is apparent that a priority is to pressure Europe to adopt a sweeping policy on freedom of speech, more aligned with the US model ā especially regarding far-right speech ā and not just on social media. Another is to normalize relations with Russia; or, as the document calls it, to "reestablish strategic stability with Russia." Although the country is not explicitly called a future ally, the Trump administration clearly does not regard Russia as an adversary either.
A Historical Precedent: The Monroe Doctrine
In a broader sense, the national security strategy draws its ideas less from the idealized US of the 1950s and more from the Monroe Doctrine of 1823. Proclaimed by President James Monroe, this warned European powers not to meddle in the "Americas," which he proclaimed to be the USās sphere of interest. The Trump administrationās policy document vows to "assert and enforce a Trump corollary" to the Monroe Doctrine, which involves the US "enlisting" countries worldwide that wish to help safeguard US national interests.
None of this is entirely new ā recall JD Vanceās address at the 2025 Munich Security Conference, where the vice-president unleashed an assault on Europeās democratic model. But perhaps now that it is published in an official document, European leaders will finally understand that the stance is grave. And if the document is too long or vague for them, it can be summarised in plain and succinct terms: the current US government holds that its national security is most enhanced by the destruction of liberal democracy in Europe. In other words, the US is not just an reluctant ally; it is a willing adversary. It is time to act appropriately.